Wednesday, November 11, 2020

Recipe for a Coup

Prior to the November 3 election, Donald Trump and GOP senators stressed the urgency of putting Amy Coney Barrett on the Supreme Court as soon as possible because there was a good chance that the presidential election would be decided there. And it still might. But it will not be a replay of 2000, when SCOTUS ruled that the Florida recount should be stopped and George W. Bush won the presidency by 537 votes.

Biden’s putative Electoral College lead and his margin in each of the five closest state races are too large to be overturned. But the 2020 presidential election might still be decided in the courts. The issue, however, will not involve recounting or disqualifying votes, but rather the legality of state legislatures voting to go against their state’s popular votes in appointing their state’s electors.

Let me explain how the GOP might try to make this go down.

There are five states with Republican-controlled legislatures in which Biden will have won the popular vote—Arizona, Georgia, Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin. If Trump and his allies were somehow able to persuade any four of those five legislatures to appoint Trump rather than Biden electors, Trump would win the Electoral College and the presidency. Clearly this would be a stretch, but it is probably the best bet that Trump and the Republican Party have outside of declaring martial law. And it is an option that has widely been reported to have been floated by Republican partisans in the weeks before November 3.

According to Article II of the US Constitution, the authority to appoint Elctors resides in State Legislatures: “Each State shall appoint, in such Manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, a Number of Electors, equal to the whole Number of Senators and Representatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress.” Since 1836, tradition and precedent have consistently resulted in Electors being appointed according to popular vote. Although the president is not elected by the people, Electors historically have been, as we have seen most recently in 2016.

But what would prevent individual legislatures in those five states from doing otherwise? If four of these state legislatures voted to appoint Trump rather than Biden Electors, Trump would reach the coveted 270 mark and be re-elected by the Electoral College. Whether such rogue appointments would withstand the legal challenge of Biden and the Democrats would need to be decided in court. Such a move by the GOP seems to be the most likely way for the Supreme Court to decide the 2020 presidential election as Trumpublicans had predicted.

Let me be clear: this would not be a matter of what are called “faithless electors,” defined as those who pledged to vote for one candidate but decide to vote otherwise. The strategy I’m sketching out does not involve faithless electors, but rather state legislatures appointing electors who have already pledged to vote for Trump. Three of these five states (all but Georgia and Pennsylvania) outlaw faithless electors. But if Biden holds his significant leads in all five of these states, as it appears he will, Georgia and Pennsylvania would not be sufficient to give Trump the presidency.

Nor does this strategy involve Bill Barr’s Justice Department digging up enough evidence to invalidate Biden’s election in court. The reason Barr recently authorized investigations into voter fraud is the same reason that McConnell’s Senate Republicans have been all over national news media supporting Trump’s vague but loud claims of election fraud, and Secretary of Defense Mike Pompeo has assured reporters that there would be a smooth transition in January to “a second Trump administration.” Through the creation of clouds of ungrounded suspicion, Trumpublicans seek to use print, televisual, and socially networked news media to infuence enough elected Republican officials in these five states to appoint Trump instead of Biden electors.

It is important to remember that such influence does not depend on legislatures or news media meeting legal standards of evidence. Trump’s affective politics operate not in the legal sphere but in the mediasphere. He weaponizes Twitter and TV to generate and intensify the shared sense among his followers that all of them, especially Trump, have been aggrieved by Democrats and the news media working together to stop him and them from their rightful victory.  

As Sarah Ahmed has taught us, affective communities of hate emerge through the alignment of white supremacist subjects with the nation (in this case their president). By intensifying affective states of hate and fear, Trumpublicans will try to move their legislative allies to act on their behalf. (And if you doubt whether Republican legislatures would stoop to such measures, I encourage you to revisit the lame-duck Republican legislation passed in North Carolina in 2016 and Wisconin in 2018 to severely limit the powers of those states’ newly elected Democratic governors before they were inaugurated.)

Admittedly, the chance of something like this succeeding remain slim. But it is not impossible. Short of invoking the Insurrection Act and declaring martial law to prevent Biden from assuming the presidency, persuading four of these five states to appoint Trump electors may be the most likely way for the 2020 presidential election to be decided in the Supreme Court, as Trump, McConnell, and others have assured us it would be. In the highest court of the land, law, evidence, and precedent are supposed to prevail. And if things were to get that far, let’s hope that they will prevail, for the sake of this nation’s democracy, and perhaps for the world.

Monday, November 14, 2016

Premediation as Normalization: The New York Times and "President-Elect Donald Trump"

In less than a week since the 2016 presidential election, the New York Times website counts over 300 uses of the phrase "President-Elect Donald [J.] Trump."  The effect of this constant repetition of the phrase is to normalize his election, prompting a kind of affectivity of numbness and a sense of inevitability and legitimacy to him and his presidency.

There is a kind of sycophantic quality to this close attentiveness to Trump's every move, even in those cases where the Times is critical of his actions. It is the quotidian mediality of these usages, their weaving into the fabric of our media everyday, that has brought the US to this place we are now in, that have made Trump seem like a credible presidential candidate (and soon president) despite the editorial content of the Times and other media outlets.

Another way to put it, borrowing a distinction from J. L. Austin, is that these apparently constative speech acts, which seem only to describe or assert matters of fact, have a powerful performative function as well, in reiterating and legitimating the election of Donald J. Trump as president of the United States, implicitly premediating both the vote of the Electoral College and his inauguration.

In saying this I am not making a claim that The New York Times is doing anything different from what they did when, for example, Barack Obama was elected in 2008. In fact, I am making the opposite point: that they are doing for Trump precisely what they would do for any president-elect.

By premediating a Trump presidency as if there was nothing extraordinary about it, The New York Times is in effect producing a counter-affect to the "not my president" protests that have been going on with increasing intensity since Wednesday and that will continue to intensify up to and perhaps beyond the moment when The New York Times silently and almost without notice shifts its everyday utterances from "President-elect Donald [J.] Trump" to "President Trump."

Here is a small curated sampling of those performative utterances by The New York Times.


Wednesday, November 9

“President-elect Donald J. Trump and Prime Minister Justin Trudeau of Canada will need to work together despite vast differences on climate change, trade and migrants.”

“U.S. President-elect Donald Trump should stay committed to the international nuclear deal with Iran, Iranian foreign minister Mohammad Javad Zarif was quoted as saying by Tasnim news agency on Wednesday.”

“President-elect Donald Trump's victory Tuesday has prompted embattled pharmaceutical executive Martin Shkreli (SHKREL'-ee) to publicly debut some songs off the one-of-a-kind Wu-Tang Clan album he bought for $2 million last year.”

Thursday, November 10

“President-elect Donald Trump is strongly considering naming his campaign chief Steve Bannon to serve as White House chief of staff, CNN reported on Thursday, citing a source with knowledge of the situation.”

“Advisers to president-elect Donald Trump have considered the chief executive of JPMorgan Chase for Treasury secretary, reports Kate Kelly of CNBC.”

“Aides to President-elect Donald Trump are considering Republican Representative Jeb Hensarling of Texas as a candidate for Treasury secretary, the Wall Street Journal reported on Thursday, citing people familiar with the matter.”

Friday, November 11

“U.S. President-elect Donald Trump is considering outgoing Senator Kelly Ayotte of New Hampshire for the post of defense secretary, the Washington Post reported on Friday, citing two sources familiar with the discussions.

“President-elect Donald J. Trump said Friday that he was likely to abandon the American effort to support ‘moderate’ opposition groups in Syria who are battling the government of President Bashar al-Assad, saying ‘we have no idea who these people are.’”

“President-elect Donald Trump told the Wall Street Journal he is considering retaining parts of President Barack Obama's healthcare law including provisions letting parents keep adult children up to age 26 on insurance policies and barring insurers from denying coverage to people with pre-existing conditions.”

Saturday, November 12

“Even as President-elect Donald J. Trump vows to unify a divided nation, he faces a momentous decision over whether to make good on his oft-repeated campaign pledge to have a special prosecutor ‘lock up’ Hillary Clinton.”

“President-elect Donald Trump's policies are likely to make it harder for developing nations to obtain the growing finance they need to combat climate change, threatening one pillar of a 2015 international agreement to slow global warming.”

“President-elect Donald Trump has said he may keep some parts of his predecessor's signature health care overhaul. “

Sunday, November 13

“President-elect Donald Trump is seeking quick ways to withdraw the United States from a global accord to combat climate change, a source on his transition team said, defying broad international backing for the plan to cut greenhouse gas emissions.”

“President-elect Donald J. Trump appeared to soften some of his hardest-line campaign positions on immigration on Sunday, but he also restated his pledge to roll back abortion rights and used Twitter to lash out at his critics, leaving open the possibility that he would continue using social media in the Oval Office and radically change the way presidents speak to Americans.”

“U.S. President-elect Donald Trump has requested that a trial over a lawsuit by former students of his now-defunct Trump University be put on hold until after the presidential inauguration, according to a motion filed by his lawyer late Saturday.”

Monday. November 14

“President-elect Donald J. Trump has suggested he will end support, which some groups hope would encourage Saudi Arabia and Turkey to provide more sophisticated weapons.”

“President-elect Donald Trump is considering oil billionaire Harold Hamm and North Dakota Rep. Kevin Cramer to lead the Department of Energy.”

Wednesday, August 19, 2015

"Radical Mediation" (from Secret Life of Objects: Media Ecologies, São Paulo, August 3, 2015)

[NB: This is the text of the talk I gave in São Paulo on Aug 3 at The Secret Life of Objects: Media Ecologies.  The middle section of the talk is crudely drawn from "Radical Mediation," which is forthcoming in the Fall 2015 Critical Inquiry.]

1. The Secret Life of Mediation
            Three Augusts ago, Erick Felinto and his collaborators staged a conference called “The Secret Life of Objects: Materialities, Medialities, Temporalities.”  A traveling circus disguised as a movable feast, the conference featured different permutations of speakers in São Paulo, Rio, Salvador, and Fortaleza. This year’s conference in São Paulo and Rio is something of a sequel. The first conference was conceived and executed in response to the rapid inflation of the theoretical bubble known as “speculative realism” or “object-oriented ontology” (SR/OOO). “Secret Life of Objects-1” put speculative realism in dialogue with media theory, particularly German media theory, for the Brazilian academic public. It was no accident that Graham Harman and Siegfried Zielinski were the only two scholars to speak in all four cities, squaring off (though not really) in a scholarly remediation of King Kong vs. Godzilla.  Other non-Brazilian speakers included Bruno Latour, Steve Shaviro, Joachim Paech, and Sybille Krämer.  I spoke in three of the four cities as well; and as the only non-Brazilian speaker from the first conference to be speaking at this one, I want to open my talk today by revisiting the lecture Graham Harman gave in Rio in 2012.
Harman addressed the conference theme by taking the secret life of objects to refer to his own position that objects can never make contact, that all objects “withdraw” from contact.  He unfolded his argument through a reading of Eric and Marshall McLuhan’s “Laws of Media,” reading Marshall McLuhan’s famous slogan, “the medium is the message,” as a statement about figure and ground. For Harman, McLuhan’s famous formulation insists that the ground (the medium), not the figure (the message), is where the action is, unsurprisingly echoing Harman’s claim about the withdrawn object (ground), in contrast to its sensible or other qualities (figure). McLuhan provides Harman a way to argue that objects are media, and that media, like objects, withdraw from contact with either human subjects or other objects.  
Throughout his lecture, as in much of his published work, Harman spoke of different kinds of contact, like direct, total, or partial.  I begin with his ideas about contact, particularly his claim that objects (human or nonhuman) never come into contact with one another or can at best only come into “partial contact,” in part because I have difficulty accepting, or even finally understanding, what he means by direct or total contact, and why he places so much pressure on whether contact is total or partial.  Indeed contact seems to me to be the very state of things for embodied or material humans and nonhumans.  Are we ever in complete contact with every aspect or quality or essence or being of other objects?  I’m not even sure what this would mean. With Merleau-Ponty, however, I believe that we are always immediately in contact within and through our bodies with other animate and inanimate creatures and entities that occupy, traverse, and make up what William James calls the pluriverse.
One problem I have with Harman’s formulation is that he consistently treats contact (and causation, which for him is connected logically and directly with contact) as unidirectional.  This unidirectionality in thinking about contact and causality was evident when in answer to a question from the audience he offered the example of touching another’s hand to point out that one never touches the hand in its entirety, that one is never in total contact with another’s hand.  Harman contended that it may be that one touches the epidermis, but what of blood vessels, bones, tendons, nerves, ligaments, muscles, and so forth?  First, it is not clear why one would need to touch all of these things to be touching another person’s hand, or that the hand is reducible to these constitutent elements. But more tellingly, the problem with this example is that contact is seen as a fundamentally unidirectional interaction.  Harman poses the question of contact in terms of one person touching another’s hand rather than two hands (or two people) touching one another, because he fails to think of contact going in more than one direction at once, or to take seriously the idea that contact can be found in the interaction, mutuality, or multidimensionality of agency and causation.
This unidirectionality is crucial to Harman’s paradigmatic example of fire burning cotton, which he borrows from the Occasionalists of medieval Islamic philosophy to support his claim that objects can never come into contact. If fire burns cotton, Harman argues, it does not come into contact with cotton’s texture or color or other features but only with its flammability. Fire burns cotton. But why not think of it in reverse, in terms of cotton being burned by fire?  Or why describe it as fire burning cotton, as if fire itself is an object like cotton, rather than itself an action, event, or interaction?  What if we thought of fire burning cotton as a multidirectional event of cotton combusting, in which case we would not be talking about two autonomous, independent objects (cotton and fire) but rather one complex, collaborative, and transient event, the combustion of cotton?  But Harman chooses instead to objectify fire, to insist on understanding something that is an action, event, or interaction as one of the dramatis personae in an object-oriented drama. This polemical use of the example of fire burning cotton is emblematic of Harman’s argument as a whole, the way in which humans and nonhumans, flows and relations, are either objectified and made into autonomous entitites or dismissed as irrelevant, unreal, or insignificant. To think instead of fire burning cotton as an event of combustion lets us reject the idea that objects (or subjects for that matter) are originary, are ontological starting points, but rather that they are the outcomes of complex processes of mediation.  By mediation here I refer both to the physical-natural-organic-technological-economic mediations that collectively generate cotton from seed, soil, water, sunlight, and labor, and to the conceptual mediations which single out and purify cotton or fire or an observer not only from one another but also from other objects and entitities, events and phenomena. If we start not with objects but with mediation, we start already and immediately in the middle, with what we might playfully want to think of as a form of mediation-oriented-ontology, or MOO.

2. Radical Mediation
Mediation has become one of the central intellectual problems of the twenty-first century. The question of mediation has come to the forefront in part because of extraordinary technological acceleration in the late twentieth and twenty-first centuries, the rampant proliferation of digital media technologies that sometimes goes under the name of “mediatization.” Despite widespread theorizing about media prompted by the intense mediatization of the past several decades, John Guillory has contended “that the concept of mediation remains undertheorized in the study of culture and only tenuously integrated into the study of media.” Sarah Kember and Joanna Zylinska similarly “see mediation as the underlying, and unaddressed, problem of the media.” Alex Galloway, Eugene Thacker, and McKenzie Wark concur with these assessments, contending that “New kinds of limitations and biases have made it difficult for media scholars to take the ultimate step and consider the basic conditions of mediation.” In Excommunication Galloway, Thacker, and Wark offer separate but complementary answers to the question of mediation:  “Distracted by the tumult of concern around what media do or how media are built,” they write in their collective introduction, “have we not lost the central question: what is mediation?
            In “Radical Mediation” I attempt to answer this “central question.”  I do not, however, consider what media do or how they are built to be distractions from the question of mediation, but rather part and parcel of it.  Nor do I mean to limit the question of mediation to what media do or how they are built, or to media themselves as they are now conventionally understood. As I will suggest, mediation operates not just across communication, representation, or the arts, but is a fundamental process of human and nonhuman existence. 
            I developed the concept of radical mediation, which alludes to William James’s “radical empiricism,” in order to make related but independent arguments about the dualistic character of mediation in the history of Western thought. I argue that, although media and media technologies have operated and continue to operate epistemologically as modes of knowledge production, they also function ontologically (technically, bodily, materially) to generate and modulate individual and collective affective moods or structures of feeling among assemblages of humans and nonhumans. This affective mediation of collective human and nonhuman assemblages operates independently of (and often more efficaciously than) the production of knowledge. Like the way media operate affectively to premediate potentialities, mediation must also be understood as a process or event prior to, generative of, and ultimately not reducible to particular media technologies. Mediation operates physically and materially as an object, event, or process in the world, impacting humans and nonhumans alike. Radical mediation participates in recent critiques of the dualism of the Western philosophical tradition, which make up what I have elsewhere called the nonhuman turn in twenty-first century studies.  Indeed, as I suggest in the talk’s final section, radical mediation might in some sense be understood as nonhuman mediation.     
To understand radical mediation as affective and experiential rather than strictly visual is to think about our immediate affective experience of mediation as that which is felt, embodied, near—not distant from us, and thus not illuminated or pictured, but experienced by us as living, embodied human and nonhuman creatures. Where remediation focused largely on the visual aspects of mediation, radical mediation would take into account the entire human sensorium. For radical mediation, all bodies (whether human or nonhuman) are fundamentally media and life itself a form of mediation.
As Walter Benjamin had similarly noted about mechanical reproduction, the remediation of new digital media has worked to bring our media devices nearer our bodily medium, engaging us directly in what I have elsewhere characterized as the affective life of media. The core of radical mediation is its immanence, is immediacy itself—not the transparent immediacy that makes up half of remediation’s double logic, but the embodied immediacy of the event of mediation.  In our affective, bodily interactions with media devices, indeed with the world of humans and nonhumans, there is no distance or perspective from which to “see” immediacy, from which immediacy could be made into something one could paint or draw or re-present, or something that needed mediation. “Bodies,” writes Karen Barad apropos the invertebrate brittlestar, “are not situated in the world; they are part of the world.” The same claim, I would aver, can be made for media and mediation. In theorizing the affective embodiment of radical mediation, we should attend to the immediate affective experience of mediation itself.  But to suggest that mediation is immediate is to swim against a strong popular current running through the history of Western thought, one which would categorically distinguish mediation from immediacy. In the books Remediation and Premediation, I set out to challenge this distinction.  The concept of radical mediation further problematizes the distinction of mediation from immediacy.
Hegel’s influential critique of immediacy to the contrary, radical mediation does not take mediation as coming or standing between already actualized subjects, objects, actants, or entities (or even as being within objects) but rather treats mediation as the process, action, or event that generates or provides the conditions for the emergence of subjects and objects, for the individuation of entities within the world. In this sense radical mediation has affinities with Gilbert Simondon’s concepts of individuation, transduction, and ontogenesis. The process of individuation, whose true principle Simondon identifies as mediation, “must be considered primordial, for it is this process that at once brings the individual into being and determines all the distinguishing characteristic of its development, organization and modalities.” Although Simondon considers individuation “to form only one part of an ontogenetic process,” he also maintains that “in a certain sense, ontogenetic development [devenir] itself can be considered as mediation.”
In radical mediation all connections (or contact) involve modulation, translation, or transformation, not just linking.  I insist upon this distinction because connection could be taken to imply experiences (or experienced relations) that preexist their mediation, whereas I understand mediation as fundamentally what Simondon calls “transductive,” part and parcel of, yet not reducible to, experience. For Simondon a relation is “a way of being and not a simple connection between two terms that could be adequately comprehended using concepts because they both enjoy what amounts to an independent existence.” Following James, I refuse to separate mediation from other experienced relations. Mediation does not stand between preexistent subjects and objects,with their own “independent existence.”  Nor does mediation prevent immediate experience or relations, but on the contrary transduces or generates immediate experiences and relations. Not only is mediation immediate, but it is also individuating, operating through a process of becoming to generate individual subjects and objects through what James might have meant to understand as experienced relations, subjects and objects which are themselves remediations.
Another way to explain radical mediation is through Charles Sanders Peirce’s thinking about mediation in the later part of his life, particularly his conviction that “Mediation is more than the conjunction of two dyadic relations,” but a form of thirdness “operative in Nature.” In their later years both Peirce and James worked towards different but not entirely incompatible metaphysical understandings of what Barad has characterized as “agential realism,” in which relations or mediations are seen to be more real for what they do or how they act than for what they mean or represent. Indeed despite being primarily associated with language and linguistics, Peirce in his later theories of biosemiosis moved even more radically than did James towards an ontological understanding of mediation, particularly in relation to nonhuman nature, as non-representational. Thus for Peirce a sunflower, for example, can be understood as a mediation, or “representamen,” of the sun: “If a sunflower, in turning towards the sun, becomes by that very act fully capable, without further condition, of reproducing a sunflower which turns in precisely corresponding ways toward the sun, and of doing so with the same reproductive power, the sunflower would become a Representamen of the sun.”  
What Peirce here calls “Representamen” he elsewhere, and increasingly in his later work, comes to understand as mediation. But in either case each is a category of what he calls “thirdness,” a form of thought whose most radical formulation is operative in nonhuman nature, as for example when Peirce claims that “thought is not necessarily connected with a brain. It appears in the work of bees, of crystals, and throughout the purely physical world.”  As thirdness, mediation does not come between preformed subjects and objects, but operates like that nonhuman process or activity which generates honeycombs, crystalline structures, sunflowers, or language.  Peirce sees this as the same process from which human and nonhuman signification emerges, with or without what we conventionally understand as thought. In linking radical mediation to Peirce’s category of “thirdness” I mean to underscore the notion that all activity is mediation, and that for radical mediation there is no discontinuity between human and nonhuman agency or semiosis. Although Peirce is notorious for his terminological inconsistency, he associated mediation with thirdness as early as 1875. As Winfried Nöth points out, from 1890 on he applies mediation fairly consistently “to phenomena from logic to metaphysics and natural philosophy. In evolutionary terms, thirdness is the ‘tendency to take habits’ […]. Thirdness manifests itself in ‘generality, infinity, continuity, diffusion, growth, and intelligence.’” In his later writings, Peirce regularly treats Thirdness as a metaphysical category which “is operative in Nature.”
In asserting the radical nature of mediation I am not referring only to the way that media theorists talk about the ubiquitous and quotidian nature of our media everyday—phones, tablets, TVs, laptops, and gaming platforms; Facebook, Twitter, email, Tumblr, Reddit, and Tinder; securitization, finance, surveillance, and transaction data. Rather I am referring as well to the ubiquitous nature of mediation itself—flowers, trees, rivers, lakes, and deserts; microbes, insects, fish, mammals, and birds; digestion, respiration, sensation, reproduction, circulation, and cognition; planes, trains, and automobiles; factories, schools, and malls; nation-states, NGOs, indigenous communities, or religious organizations; rising sea levels, increased atmospheric concentrations of CO2, melting icecaps, intensified droughts, violent storms. Following the groundbreaking work of Jussi Parikka and others, radical mediation also insists upon taking account of the multiple materialities of our communication media, their dependence upon destructive extractive industries for the minerals and other materials from which media devices are built, their extravagant use of electrical power with all of its attendant environmental costs, and their proliferation and persistence as technical waste, whose ecological consequences remain largely unknown.  But in calling attention to the costs, destruction, and waste of mediation I do not mean to understand these materialities simply as economic or industrial supports or infrastructure for media and mediation, but as mediations themselves no different from the texts, photos, sounds, videos, or transaction data that circulate on our media devices and that provide the data for corporate, technical, and governmental surveillance.
Radical mediation does not take mediation as a unifying or totalizing epistemological concept that holds together disparate and heterogeneous practices, events, and entities. Nor does it maintain ontologically that there are only disparate and heterogeneous objects and things that do not relate to each other. Rather radical mediation takes existence itself as a form of mediation. Because mediation is always transformative, one of the things that is radical about mediation is its ability dramatically to change scale, moving among smaller and larger, simpler and more complex, briefer and more extended, assemblages or entities. Radical mediation insists that it is mediation all the way down.  Even the smallest or most basic components are mediations, which by scaling up can be remediated into larger entities, just as by scaling down, larger or more complex entities and events can be remediated into smaller or less complex ones.
Such a multi-scalar approach to mediation is essential to making sense of phenomena like climate change, the sixth extinction, or the anthropocene, which names the human as the dominant influence on the planet. In its recognition that humans must now be understood as climatological or geological forces on the planet that operate just as nonhumans would, the anthropocene demands a form of mediation that can operate on multiple scales, independent of human will, belief, or desires. One of the most striking legacies of the 2011 Sendai earthquake, for example, and its dramatic impact on the Fukashima nuclear power plant (as with the 1986 Chernobyl disaster some twenty-five years earlier) was the reminder that the nuclear reactions produced in damaged fuel rods operate according to their own time-scale having more to do with the half-life of uranium than with the periodicity of the mediatic system. These reactions might be minimized, modulated, or redirected, not by acting upon them directly as if they were inert, passive matter, or nonhuman physical processes, but rather by accepting the fact that their agency, trajectory, and development operate according to their own laws, their own temporality, their own scale.  Remediation (both in the environmental and in the medialogical sense) must take these radically different scales into account.

3. The Mediation Ecology of Ebola
            Radical mediation calls for a shift of focus from media to mediation. I want to conclude by thinking about this shift in relation to the conference’s focus on “media ecologies.”  What would it mean to think not of ecologies of media, but ecologies of mediation?  How might this help us to move away from thinking only about communication media and to begin thinking more broadly about all sorts of human and nonhuman media, especially about the process of mediation itself?
To pursue these questions I want briefly to take as an example of mediation ecology the Ebola outbreaks that peaked in 2014 but that are still, to a lesser and much less visible extent, ongoing today in parts of Africa. The radical mediation of the human body might provide a way to make sense of the 2014 Ebola outbreak, by starting in the middle with mediation itself.  To start with mediation is not to suggest, however, that we start with the way print, televisual, and networked news media worked together to generate a high level of fear regarding the contagiousness of the Ebola virus particularly through playing on American media public fears of Africa as a “dark continent” from which danger of all sorts would be likely to arise from unprotected contact with dark bodies. Nor do I mean that we should start with how popular media accounts of Ebola remediated literature, film, and other narratives of contagious epidemics in order to premediate potential medical catastrophes. As useful, illuminating, and on point as such approaches might be, they remain within the traditional concept of mediation as representation or communication that I have been contesting here today. 
            By starting in the middle with mediation, I mean instead to suggest that the consequences of Ebola mediation are no different in kind and cannot be separated from those produced by the Ebola virus itself. Ebola mediation is not distinct in kind from the Ebola virus but a hybrid or mutant variant of the virus, an effect and a constituent of Ebola in the same way that people infected with the disease are also effects of Ebola. Thus in October 2014 when several US states invoked the medically accepted 21-day incubation period of Ebola to impose mandatory quarantines on specific individuals who had been directly exposed to the Ebola virus, it was the mediashock generated by Ebola mediation rather than empirical evidence of infection that brought about the quarantine.  Just as being infected can get you put into quarantine, so can the media’s or the state’s fear of infection. As an extension of the virus which works in tandem with its virological elements as part of its destructiveness, Ebola mediation was far more widely distributed than Ebola itself. More people were at risk for quarantine as a result of the collective affectivity or mood (generated and transmitted by media and politicians) than by the virus itself.
            To think Ebola in terms of radical mediation is also to remember that the Ebola virus is “zoonotic,” that is, it crosses over from nonhumans to humans. In Spillover, David Quammen makes it clear that as far as Ebola and related diseases are concerned there is no categorical or epidemiological distinction between human and nonhuman host animals.  In between outbreaks of the disease, Ebola is thought to reside in bat colonies from which the virus can be passed on to gorillas and humans. In transgressing the boundaries between humans and nonhumans, Ebola acts as a form of viral mediation that “spills over” from organic to inorganic form, from its virological contagion through the circulation of bodily fluids to its medialogical contagion through the circulation of print, televisual, and socially networked media. There can be no firm ontological boundaries drawn between Ebola virus and Ebola mediation in regard to quarantines and other political and social acts of the state. As the overreaction of US state governments dramatized, the confinement of citizens and contagious bodies can occur not only as a result of being physiologically infected by the disease, but also from the viral affectivity of fear.  Far more contagious than the disease itself, premediated fear extends the means and sites of Ebola’s contagion through its mediation by news, or by politicians. This is by no means to say that the effects of quarantine are identical or equivalent to the effects of being infected by Ebola, or that quarantines are necessarily a bad technique for slowing the spread of infection.  Rather it is to say that the ontological spillover of Ebola mediation flattens the distinctions between disease and mediation in much the same way that the virus refuses to distinguish between human and nonhuman hosts.
            While in some sense it would not be wrong to say that the mediation of Ebola is more socially and politically contagious than the virus itself, in thinking through the concept of radical mediation I do not want to make a categorical distinction between the virus and its mediation, not to treat Ebola mediation as a representation of Ebola rather than as part of Ebola itself.  It is not simply a metaphor to say that in 2014 print, televisual, and networked media caught Ebola and transmitted it to the public. Unlike the metaphor of computer viruses, to think Ebola as radical mediation is not meant as a metaphor. Jussi Parikka has persuasively traced the use of the viral metaphor of (especially) AIDS to describe malicious computer software programs, and to explore the ways in which computer viruses are modeled on organic viruses in terms of their threat, their means of reproduction, and their contagion. He has compellingly explained how viruses and the viral become models for culture and technology and media, how both kinds of virus, computer and biological, employ diagrams of contagion. 
            In talking about Ebola mediation, however, I want to make a different but not unrelated point about how Ebola itself functions as radical mediation. Mediation is not metaphorical of Ebola, mediation is metonymous with it. Ebola mediation is not, like metaphor would be, analogous to Ebola but, like metonomy, is continuous with it. This metonymic continuity between virological infection in one's body or immune system and medialogical infection can be seen most tellingly in the way that scientific accounts employ the concept of “mediation” to describe the operation of the Ebola virus: “The main Ebola surface protein, encoded by the gp gene, mediates entry of the virus into the host cell. . . . VP40 proteins interact with the viral membrane and with each other. The membrane interaction is mediated by the short C-terminal domain, and the relatively large N-terminal domain is responsible for binding VP40 proteins to each other.” Although used similarly to its conventional historical denotation, the mediation described here does not strictly stand between the Ebola virus and the world. Because the virus is parasitic on its host to survive, the mediation of Ebola’s entry into the host cell by its surface protein constitutes the very contagiousness of the Ebola virus.  The Ebola protein’s operation in binding to a host is what guarantees its continued existence.  In Ebola (and related viruses) mediation generates its infectiousness through transforming the binding together of proteins, genes, and a suitable host into Ebola. Without the radical mediation of these specific proteins, Ebola would not exist.
             I have only just begun to partially sketch out here what I might tentatively call a “mediation ecology” of the 2014 Ebola outbreak, in contradistinction to its media ecology.  From its inception, media ecology has been concerned to look at the ways in which communication media interacted to create an ecology or environment that impacted human culture, society, or perception.  Although often concerned with the coevolution of humans and technology, an important difference from what I want to think of as mediation ecology is that media ecology generally brackets out the nonhuman, organic and inorganic relations that made up ecological science proper.  Media ecology also tends to bracket our mediation, treating media objects as already preexisting their interactions or remediations. Media ecology focuses largely on communication media, treating them separately from other human and nonhuman, natural and social, entities or actants, or as related through an ecology, through cybernetic or even autopoietic systems.  “Mediation” ecology might instead think about how various elements at different scales are transformed or changed, through processes of mediation, remediation, and premediation.  Going beyond the bounds of communication media that have traditionally defined media ecology, mediation ecology might also provide another answer to the question of the secret life of objects, and Harman’s contention that objects can never touch.  The secret life of objects is their ongoing participation in ecologies of mediation.  As this brief sketch of a mediation ecology of Ebola can help to show, contact is not something that does or does not follow from the existence of objects.  Rather the secret life of mediation ecology shows us that contact, mediation, and transformation describe the very state of things in which humans and nonhumans already find themselves and through which they have always made their way.

Friday, January 30, 2015

Public Authority: The End of Public Higher Education in Wisconsin?


In Scott Walker’s first budget in 2011, the one that included the notorious Act 10, which outlawed the formation of, and any substantive bargaining from, public employee unions, there was a proposal to split off UW-Madison from the UW System by making Madison a “public authority.” Back in 2011 plans for this separation of Madison from the UW System went so far that Biddy Martin, then UW-Madison Chancellor, had prepared the text for a new Chapter 37, which would apply only to UW-Madison and would govern it as a public authority that preserved all of the protections for academic freedom, faculty governance, and tenure that are written in to the Wisconsin Statutes. This 2011 proposal would have left the legal status of the rest of the System unchanged under Chapter 36, which lays out the statutory authority (and guidelines) for the University of Wisconsin System, the only university system in the nation so authorized. Indeed in 2010, when I was recruited to University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee as Director of the Center for 21st Century Studies (and when Scott Walker was only a candidate for the governorship of Wisconsin), this statutory protection was held up as a point of pride for the UW System because it provided more substantive academic protections than in other states.

In 2011 resistance both by the UW System and by Republican lawmakers with UW campuses in their districts caused this plan to be dropped; instead the Republican legislature took the option behind door number 2, which was to slash funding for the System and freeze tuition, thus forcing severe budget cuts on all campuses, including Madison. Knowing that no major proposal from Scott Walker could go forward without consultation with his big-money handlers about how it would impact his future as a presidential candidate, I do not think that this public authority idea was raised lightly, or that it was dropped from Walker’s ALEC-inspired playbook simply because of initial opposition in 2011. Indeed the idea has resurfaced in 2015 in the run-up to Walker’s budget announcement on February 3, but this time in relation to the whole system, without singling out Madison. What would it mean to transform the University of Wisconsin System from a state agency to a public authority? To answer this question we need to understand what the consequences would be for the UW System, how this might serve as a model for other red states (think Kansas, for example), and how it could be leveraged to propel Walker’s campaign for the 2016 GOP nomination.

Although all of the details are not filled in, it looks like Scott Walker’s bold presidential campaign move for 2016 will be the transformation of the university system from a state agency dependent on taxpayer funding to a quasi-independent "public-benefit corporation," thus legalizing in practice what has already been happening in theory, the corporatization of the University of Wisconsin System. By granting the System autonomy and freedom to make its own administrative/business decisions and therefore, or so the neoliberalism of the ALEC playbook goes, Walker and his Republican allies will enable the System to find “efficiencies” and raise revenues that will compensate for the cuts in state funding, which according to an announcement on January 27, will return to their 1998 levels with a $300 million cut to the University of Wisconsin System in the upcoming biennial. In addition to these devastating cuts, the first year of which for University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee would be equivalent to the entire budget of the Lubar School of Business, the danger of this transformation to semi-private corporation is that System employees and faculty would lose their statutory protections (things like tenure, faculty governance, job security, and academic freedom are currently protected by state statutes) in favor of the contractual protections offered by the Board of Regents, who will now have almost complete authority over the UW System.

The problem with this change, of course, is that 16 of the 18 Regents are political appointees (appointed by the governor)—two ex-officio and 14 on staggered seven-year terms—as opposed to being elected, say, as they are (on a campus-by-campus basis) in Michigan, where I formerly taught. That means, four years into the Walker administration, that more than half of the governor-appointed Regents are Walker appointees; before the end of Scott Walker's second term all of them will be. So by the end of this next biennial budget (2017), tenure and faculty governance, as well as such decisions like the appropriate number of campuses needed for the System, will be at the whims of a board made up entirely of Scott Walker appointees.

The political brilliance of this move (make no mistake, Walker and his handlers are brilliant electoral politicians) is that if and when these protections are stripped in the next couple of years, the blame will not go to the Governor or the legislature but to the Walker-appointed Board of Regents, who will claim to have acted responsibly and in the system's interests to make changes to deal with the terrible crisis caused by the Republican tax cuts. When tuition is raised and campuses closed, it will not be the state government that did it, but those egg-headed academics and their Board of Regents. Indeed in a January 28 interview on right-wing radio, Walker premediated the possibility of Regents raising faculty workloads: "I think you were right, your comments today on Right Wisconsin, that maybe it's time for faculty and staff to start thinking about teaching more classes and doing more work. And this authority frees up the UW administration to make those sorts of requests, which I think are needed not only here but across the country."

In considering the financial situation in Wisconsin, it is important to recognize that the current budget crisis is not, as in 2008, a systematic breakdown, but the product of political decisions made by Walker and the Republican legislature in Madison. The deficit has been manufactured by $800 million in tax cuts, mainly to property owners, that the state could not afford. Unfortunately, rather than highlight this fact and suggest that the easiest way to get out of this budget crisis would be to roll back (if only temporarily) the tax cuts instituted in Walker’s first term, our University System leaders have accepted that deficit, and the reduced University funding that it has prompted, as a given, a natural fact like Lake Michigan or the North Woods. There seems to be no effort to be proactive, to try to control or at least shape the narrative to counter Walker's anticipated (and widely forecasted) budget announcement on February 3.

UW System president Ray Cross is doing little or nothing to combat the dominant narrative in the media, which is to say the Walker administration’s narrative. Locally our Chancellor's stance has mainly been to prepare to deal with the massive and devastating cuts that are coming down the pike, preparing to address the situation in more detail when the specifics become known on February 3.  And even though it does not look good for UWM, there are many people in Madison who feel that they will benefit from this shift to a public authority, especially if they are given the opportunity to set their own tuition rates. Being free from the state HR and purchasing systems and being able to follow the Michigan model in raising out-of-state tuition and increasing out-of-state students, Madison should eventually do quite well financially, although like University of Michigan they will less and less serve as a public institution serving the people of their state. But in the short run, these draconian budget cuts will be impossible to accommodate without cutting hundreds of part-time and full-time faculty and staff. Indeed UW-Madison Chancellor Rebecca Blank has said explicitly that there would be no way to absorb such a dramatic revenue cut without “laying off” employees in every one of her units, particularly on the educational side of the university.

Most disturbingly, System President Cross has painted the proposal as something of a bargain or negotiation, in which the State gives the University System autonomy “in exchange” for rolling back state funding of the System to 1998 levels and providing guaranteed funding from sales tax revenue, albeit starting with a budget cut back to 1998 levels. Cross responded to the proposal to make the UW System a public authority in a document from the Office of the President released on January 26. The document is full of unsubstantiated assertions about financial benefits gained from public authority status. There appears to have been no research conducted on whether this will indeed be true, no debate or discussion among faculty, staff, and students about whether this is a change worth pursuing.

In the document Cross begins by accepting the Walker claim that these budget cuts to the system have been “dictated” by the "large state budget shortfall.” He writes: "Looking ahead, a large state budget shortfall dictates that the UW System will be receiving a sizeable funding cut.  This follows significant cuts over the last three budgets as well as a continuation of the current tuition freeze for the upcoming biennium. The UW System expects a $300 million cut over the 2015‐17 biennium.” As I have noted, this shortfall doesn't "dictate" a funding cut; Walker and his allies dictate that. The current budget shortfall is a direct consequence of recent property tax cuts that the state had no way to pay for.

In welcoming the new freedoms of a public authority, Cross then glosses over the hundreds (if not thousands) of people who will lose their jobs to accommodate these cuts as posing "difficult and significant choices" that will be compensated for in the long run by making the UW System "more nimble and more responsive," demonstrating a true insensitivity to the people who make Wisconsin's universities work and the students they serve: "To manage these cuts, the UW System and its institutions will be forced to make difficult and significant choices in the short term…. In the longer term, the flexibilities granted through the authority and the consistency generated by the dedicated, sustainable funding source will help make the UW System a stronger, more nimble and more responsive higher educational system for generations to come."

His attempt to reassure system faculty, staff, and students that tenure and shared governance will be protected raises as many questions as it answers. He writes: "Shared governance and tenure--two principles that are critical to delivering a high‐quality education--will be managed by the Board of Regents through board policy rather than by the legislature through statute. This is the standard among many other state higher education systems.” Note that Cross does not say that tenure and shared governance will be “protected” but that they will be "managed" by the governor-appointed Board of Regents. This “management” by the Regents is fundamentally weaker than the current statutory protections in Wisconsin's Chapter 36. What Cross (and all UW System leaders) should be advocating for, if the move to a public authority must go through, is that the statutory protections of Chapter 36 be imported into a new Chapter 37, which will form the basis of the transformation of the UW System into a public authority. Anything less makes such protections subject to the whims of an appointed, not elected, Board of Regents, which represents a de facto power shift from the legislative to the executive branch of state government, a de facto weakening of local control. (Thanks to Aneesh Aneesh for this observation.)

Finally, it is important to note that while Wisconsin may be the first state to corporatize its university system as a public authority, it is unlikely to be the last. In a Republican Party committed to privatizing education at all levels, from K-16 and beyond, what happens in Wisconsin will be closely watched—and if successful, emulated in statehouses across the nation. The clever combination of granting “freedom” and “autonomy” to University leaders while simultaneously slashing even further the obligations of state governments to fund public higher education, will be a centerpiece of Walker’s presidential campaign and a model for Republican governors nationwide to consolidate power in their states.

To conclude, I would invoke a Biblical analogy I have used elsewhere to criticize the UW System's participation in Scott Walker's online flexible degrees.  If these proposed changes succeed, Ray Cross will have sold the University of Wisconsin System's birthright to Scott Walker for less than a mess of pottage, and is likely to go down in the history of public higher education as a modern-day Esau, the System President on whose watch a once-respected public University System was reduced to a second-rate “public-benefit corporation.”

 Richard Grusin

Tuesday, October 30, 2012

Coda on Premediation and Preemption

In the final paragraph of yesterday’s blog post on the premediation of Hurricane (now post-tropical cyclone turned post-tropical storm) Sandy, I wrote:  

“The premediation of Sandy does not work to preempt damage; there is no possibility that the damage is going to be prevented or displaced.  Rather premediation works to prepare people affectively for what might be coming and to multiply the virtual forms in which the damage might emerge, what kind of event Sandy will turn out to have been.  Premediation helps to bring Sandy into being not to prevent it.  Most importantly the premediation of Sandy does not exist outside of the event as something distinct from it but rather is immanent to the event; premediation is part and parcel of Sandy itself.”

I wanted to return to the relation between premediation and preemption to expand on and clarify this paragraph.  For on the face of it the claim that the premediation of Sandy does not preempt damage seems plain wrong.  The global aim of the massive premediation of disaster and catastrophe by media, government, and non-governmental agencies is precisely to minimize damage to life and property.  By prefiguring, modeling, and simulating the potential paths and consequences of Hurricane Sandy’s landfall, premediation may not aim to preempt damage completely, but surely does aim to preempt some potential damage, particularly to human life and to technical infrastructure. 

But what is so interesting about the way premediation works, and what links it to preemption, is that is does not consist merely of warnings about the potential dangers that would result from the event of Sandy but it creates these very dangers in advance of Sandy’s arrival as a way to try to contain, control, or minimize the damage that Sandy will cause.  That is, rather than wait for the disaster to occur and then to repair or remediate it, premediation creates the effects of the disaster before they happen—closing subways, schools, Wall Street, businesses, government offices, and so forth. 

The working of premediation here is indeed very close to what Brian Massumi has characterized as “the primacy of preemption” in US politics during the Bush (and now the Obama) administration.  But in the case of Sandy, and similar events of geopolitical and natural catastrophes, what we are witnessing could more accurately be described as “the primacy of premediation” in which our print, televisual, and networked news media create the damage of the catastrophe or disaster before it happens through the force of premediation alone.   

Premediation constitutes the virtuality of the catastrophe or disaster produced by Sandy, generating real effects prior to and in some sense independent of the actualization of the hurricane itself.  It is immanent to the disaster insofar as it is generated in advance of the hurricane itself, much as the wind, waves, and rains that serve as the forerunners to Sandy’s landfall.  And, I would argue, the multiple premediations of Sandy’s eventual landfall and ultimate dissipation are no less real than the storm’s meteorological and climatological effects, and are no less part of the heterogeneous event known throughout the print, televisual, and socially networked media as Hurricane Sandy.

Monday, October 29, 2012

Premediating Sandy

For several days in advance of its eventual landfall, Sandy has been premediated throughout the print, televisual, and socially networked news media as a "Frankenstorm," a once in a thousand year event.  Meteorologists, media professionals, and netizens have been waiting in anxious anticipation of an event whose arrival seems in some sense already to have come. 

For nearly a decade I have been tracking the way in which the temporality of news media has shifted from a focus on the present and recent past to a focus on the future.  Made visible first in the run-up to the Iraq War, news media have increasingly concerned themselves with the premediation of potential futures as much as with the remediation of the recent past.  This shift from remediation to premediation has in part been fueled by the proliferation of big data, of computing technologies that aggregate massive amounts of information in order to mine them for indications of futures that are or might be coming.  It has also involved a massive expansion of what kinds of media count as news.

The introduction of global cable news networks in the 1980s and 1990s expanded the reach of live, real-time news coverage from regularly scheduled broadcasts to a 24-7, always on capability to cover whatever crisis or catastrophe or item of interest might arise anywhere in the world (or beyond) at any time.  In the 21st century social media have expanded the reach of news media exponentially.  Now, in addition to local, network, and cable news on television, and daily and weekly print news media, socially networked media like Twitter, Facebook, YouTube, blogs, TUMBLR, Instagram, and others all participate in the remediation and premediation of news across the globally networked world.

In addition to the temporal shift enabled by this proliferation of forms of mediation we have also seen a shift in focus from the idea that the aim of the news was to report on what actually happened ("all the news that's fit to print") to the idea that the aim of the news is to premediate what might happen, a shift in emphasis from the actual to the virtual as the province of news media. While this is a daily feature of news in the 21st century, some events make this shift to the premediation of the virtual more evident. Clearly we can see this in the nearly non-stop election coverage of the past 18 months or so, where news media focus much more on the potential implications of any actual occurrences (debates, public statements, revelations of past actions) than on the occurrences themselves.  And the future-oriented media temporality of catastrophes like the impending landfall of Hurricane Sandy make particularly clear the way in which print, televisual, and socially networked media today participate in a logic of premediation in which media attend less to what is happening or has happened and more to anticipating what might, or is about to, happen.

In keeping with the Deleuzian version of this distinction, it is important to remember that this shift in media temporality is not a shift from "real" news to "simulated" or "imaginary" news.  With Deleuze, Guattari, and others, I want to insist that what we are witnessing is a shift in the notion of the real, in which the virtual futures premediated across our socially networked media are as real as the actual pasts reported in our print, televisual, and networked news.  Indeed because of the surplus of virtual futures premediated across our socially networked media, it makes sense to think that these virtual futures are indeed more real than the actual pasts that have been traditionally reported in the news.

One of the things that becomes evident in the premediation of Sandy is the realization that Sandy itself is not the sole agent or origin or cause of catastrophic disaster but that this disaster precedes Sandy’s arrival.  So on Sunday, a full 24 hours before Sandy's expected landfall, subways and roads were closed; flights were cancelled; schools were cancelled; government offices were closed; people were evacuated; power may be shut off in anticipation of Sandy's disrupting it.  All of these events preceded the arrival of the storm, its hurricane-force winds, its torrential rains, its massive flooding. Sandy's premediation has real social, political, and economic effects prior to its meteorological impact. The print, televisual, and socially networked news media do not just report on the effects of Sandy after they happen but in some sense produce these effects virtually before they happen, in anticipation of their happening.

What is key here is the realization that disaster and catastrophe are always and already forms of premediation, strategies for premediating the hurricane and the damage and destruction it might bring. The forms that this destruction will take, and many of its most significant economic and social effects, precede the hurricane event—or perhaps are part of that event’s becoming.  Premediation helps to bring forth events, to structure them, not just representationally or cognitively but more importantly, or more accurately, ontogenetically. In this sense premediation is related to Brian Massumi’s account of preemption—but differs from it in certain key respects.

The premediation of Sandy does not work to preempt damage; there is no possibility that the damage is going to be prevented or displaced.  Rather premediation works to prepare people affectively for what might be coming and to multiply the virtual forms in which the damage might emerge, what kind of event Sandy will turn out to have been.  Premediation helps to bring Sandy into being not to prevent it.  Most importantly the premediation of Sandy does not exist outside of the event as something distinct from it but rather is immanent to the event; premediation is part and parcel of Sandy itself.

Monday, February 20, 2012

Obama Premediates War With Iran By Discouraging It

About ten days ago I got a tweet from Cosmopolitan Scum asking me if there was any thinking on how anti-war protests act, in a sense, to premediate the war to come? It was only when this tweeter actually saw a poster for a "Don't attack Iran" protest that s/he felt that such a war was actually possible. While a similar phenomenon had been recounted in regard to the worldwide protests against war with Iraq in February 2003, the question got me thinking about how negative premediations might function, a question I had taken up in 2008 in a paranoid video premediation about the possibility of Bush-Cheney refusing to relinquish control of the executive branch on January 20, 2009.

It is hardly news to note that the premediation of war with Iran has been intensifying over the past month or so both in official government statements and in the print, televisual, and networked news media. Glenn Greenwald has been particularly good on this topic in Salon, taking on The New York Times, NBC Nightly News, and CNN's Erin Burnett as leading the chorus of voices premediating war with Iran, even engaging in a heated Twitter exchange with Burnett over the past few days. Last Friday, the headline of a piece by Huffington Post's Michael Calderone explicitly drew the connection with the run-up to the Iraq War: "Iran Nuclear Coverage Echoes Iraq War Media Frenzy." That same day Rolling Stone's Matt Taibbi cited Greenwald in arguing that we are seeing in the media a rehearsal of the drumbeats that led up to the Iraq War in 2003: "You can just feel it: many of the same newspapers and TV stations we saw leading the charge in the Bush years have gone back to the attic and are dusting off their war pom-poms."

While the comparison of the current premediation of Iran with the media's role in premediating war with Iraq in 2002-3 is well-taken, what can get lost in the comparison is the arguably more interesting differences between the two situations, particularly between the way in which war with Iran is being premediated by the Obama administration and the way in which the Bush-Cheney administration premediated the war in Iraq. In both cases premediation operates through government spokesmen, military and intelligence proxies, and media outlets. But what distinguishes the current premediation of war in Iran is the way in which, unlike Bush-Cheney, the Obama administration spokesmen operate to premediate war with Iran not by making the case for such war, but the opposite--premediating war with Iran by explaining why such a war would be a bad idea.

Over the past weekend both the US and British governments (who together led the way in making the case for war against Iraq in 2002-3) have made it clear that they disapprove of an Israeli attack on Iran's nuclear facilities. Statements from the Israeli government, on the other hand, insist that all options are on the table. Meanwhile, Iran has cut off shipments of oil to Britain and France, ahead of sanctions by the French and the British that would have ended that trade in the near future, and are now threatening to cut off other European nations as well.

Despite the Obama administration's caution, global news media continue to premediate a variety of different military confrontations involving Iran. The most visible involves the Strait of Hormuz, where Iran has threatened to cut off oil traffic through the Gulf. Cable news media like CNN have begun accompanying their stories about this potential development with maps of the Gulf oil routes and video of Iranian warships, premediating (as they had in the run-up to the Iraq War) the audiovisual mood of war in advance of any potential blockade--and irrespective of whether such a conflict even occurs.

On February 20, the front page of the New York Times provides an even more complex premediation of a possible Israeli attack on Iran, one which bears more than a passing resemblance to the shape of articles and cable news stories that proliferated in the run-up to the Iraq War. Although the thrust of the article is to outline the difficulties of an Israeli attack, the detailed premediation of various options--including how many (and what kind of) planes Israel would need, where their flight paths could take them, how they would have to refuel, what their targets and timing would be, and whether they could pull it off without the help of the US--make such an attack all the more tangible. And while such an attack remains for the moment only virtual, its effects on the collective mood of the global media public is quite real.

On NBC Nightly News that same evening, a similar case was made, including maps in motion with the three different flight plan options and a retired general to make the case against Israel attacking Iran.

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The question to be asked about these negative premediations is whether they work to make such attacks less likely or whether, even while arguing against an Israeli attack, such premediations make such an attack, or some form of war with Iran, more likely. What seems clear is that these premediations (both for and against a potential war with Iran) are serving to shape the mood of the nation, in part to prepare the media public to accept a war if it were to come about, and in part to minimize the sense that such a war would be unnecessary, unjust, or just plain wrong.

Interestingly, if Israel were to attack Iran despite the Obama administration's negative premediations, this would not be the first time that Obama has discouraged a course of action in the Middle East that his administration later followed in some form or another. Clearly some version of this course of action was followed with Libya, and the current hands off policy in Syria might also turn out to be a similar prelude to US intervention of some sort or another.

But I am less concerned, and less qualified, to analyze the Obama administration's foreign policy strategy than I am interested in making sense of their policies and practices of premediation. What makes the Obama administration's negative premediation strategy so interesting is the way in which it clarifies that premediation works independent of its specific content. That is, although the Bush-Cheney premediation of potential paths to war with Iraq turned out to be followed by the shock and awe of March 2003, the premediation of this war had already worked to produce a national affect of at-warness prior to and independent of the war itself.

Similarly, in the current situation we can see that premediation does not only have to work by advocating a particular course of action but can work as well to produce a warlike national mood even while discouraging a course of action. What distinguishes premediation from prediction or preparation or planning is that it works not only whether any of the premediated possibilities actually come about but even when what is being premediated is the opposite of what might come about. Or put differently one can premediate war not only by rehearsing it or making the arguments for it but by discourarging it, making the arguments against it. Both open up, or proliferate, potential paths towards (or away from) war. And most powerfully both produce the same collective mood or orientation towards war, thereby providing an environment in which such war seems not unthinkable but rather thinkable as something that we may see, and indeed have already seen, on TV.

So, can anti-war protests be seen to premediate the very course of action they are protesting against? To answer a question with a question, how could they not?